Introduction

As a country with the highest percentage of Hindus in the world, Nepal holds many religious practices that are of great importance to the nation and its people. One of them is revering the living goddess. Known as the Kumari, the living goddess of Nepal is a prepubescent girl who is worshiped as the living incarnation of the goddess Taleju. Kumari worship dates back to 877 on the Newari calendar (1757 AD) (Osborne). Numerous legends describe the origin of Kumari worship, but most of them have to do with a dice-game story between the Nepalese King and his protective goddess, Taleju Bhawani. The common story is that the king used to maintain a close connection with Taleju and play games of cards until the King developed lustful desires. The angry Taleju disappeared, leaving a message in the king’s dream that she would inhabit the body of a young pre-pubescent girl from the Shayka clan for the king and citizens to worship (Maharjan).

This paper aims to explore how Kumari worship impacts the growth and life experiences of young girls who are elected as Kumaris. While the identity of Kumari can bring pride and confidence for some, it negatively affects others as it complicates their life experience when they resign from the divine position. Their experiences as Kumari can leave them with maladjustments in ordinary life: walking and speaking issues physically, the mental stress related to education and mental reintegration, and potential susceptibility to mental health problems due to the social isolation they underwent.

Kumari Selection

As a Kumari enters puberty or shows any sign that disqualifies her, she is dethroned and a new round of Kumari elections begins. The selection of a new Kumari is a complex process that follows strict procedures. A royal astrologer first determines an auspicious day for the selection, usually about a month before Dasain, the longest Hindu Festival in Nepal celebrated in October. Receiving the date, elders in families send eligible girls as Kumari candidates. They are inspected based on a list of 32 perfections goddesses possess, most frequently including perfect health, no visible wounds, and figurative criteria like:

1. Eyelashes like a cow

2. Thighs like of deers

3. Neck like a cohen shell

4. Chest like of lion

5. Body like a Banyan tree

6. A voice like a duck melodious

7. Same horoscope as the kings

8. The vision of calmness and fearlessness

9. Black and straight hair and many more (Allen).

The horoscopes and astrological houses of candidates are also carefully examined by the astrologer to determine whether they match that of the Nepal King and goddess Taleju. Finally, the potential girl to become the Kumari is observed in a darkly lit room with a sacrifice of 108 buffaloes and goats and masked men performing a ritual dance (Allen). She is expected to show courage and stay calm in order to demonstrate that she fits the requirement for a Kumari not to show emotional turbulence.

Once a girl is selected, the priests perform a purification ritual upon the to-be Kumari. Then, the girl’s body is considered pure and the spirit of the goddess Taleju will take over her body.

Negative Experience for Reigning Kumaris

During their time on the throne, Kumaris are usually responsible for performing morning rituals and attending to devotees who came for blessings (Manandhar). Yet what accompanies the worship Kumaris receive is long-term social isolation. The experience of Kumaris illustrates a lessened social interaction with both familiar and unfamiliar peers and adults, as compared to their non-Kumari peers. A study about childhood social isolation and its associations with early adulthood conceptualizes social isolation as social rejection or withdrawal, which fits the situation Kumaris undergo as evidenced by their confined access to everyday social environments and communication. The research’s results suggest that, as they develop into adults, isolated children are more likely to have difficulties with mental health and daily function, primarily ADHD symptoms, loneliness, lower physical activity, and lower job optimism (Thompson et al.). Although these outcomes are not certain, separation from their families is certainly an inevitable factor that could bring distressing experiences for Kumaris.

Impact on Abdicated Kumaris

Kumaris are said to lose their divinity when they experience their first bleed, usually menstruation. Legend states that this is when the goddess relinquishes Kumari’s body. The former Kumari now has to go through a four-day worship by her family members and a Newar twelve-day ritual during which she is not seen by men or shone by the sun (Allen). After this, she loses divinity and comes of age like any other Newar girl.

Nevertheless, despite not possessing deities anymore, former Kumaris face multiple difficulties in leading a normal life, both physically and mentally. These difficulties cause them obstacles in achieving high-quality life and need to be addressed.

Significant problems many Kumaris come across are walking and talking, two of the most basic functions that were underdeveloped during their time as living goddesses. The religion deems that walking will make Kumaris impure, so they are usually carried in palanquins or other people’s arms during public appearances. With rare opportunities to practice these skills, many Kumaris are underdeveloped in them. According to former Kumari Chanira Bajracharya, she struggled to walk properly or even speak at a normal volume (Schmall). Because of so little practice of these skills during their goddess days, retired Kumaris face significant difficulties in practicing these skills and living a normal life.

Former Kumaris also expressed some challenges concerning their mental state during and after their time as deities. Due to isolation during their childhood, Kumaris usually experience a psychological gap after returning to common life. Rashmila Shakya, a former Kumari, claimed she found it “difficult to live a normal life and to get back into school” (Manandhar). They are kept in a bubble from the outside world, resulting in a lack of social skills from little interaction with their surroundings. Preeti Shakya, Kumari from 2001 to 2008, specified the difficulty as “cruelty”: teachers scolded her for her relatively poor work, classmates viewed her as a laughingstock instead of the respectable goddess figure, and the sudden transition made her feel “completely broken” (Osborne). In short, former Kumaris’ divine identity diminishes opportunities for them to have meaningful social engagement and thereby isolates them from the communal and familial networks that are essential for healthy social development, leading to greater risks of mental issues as they come of age.

Conclusion

In 2008, the Supreme Court of Nepal addressed child labor and human rights issues surrounding Kumaris in the case of Pun Devi Maharjan v. GoN, Office of Prime Minister and Council of Ministers and Others (The Landmark Decisions of the Supreme Court, Nepal on Gender Justice). Petitioners raised concerns about the neglect of education and health care of Kumaris. The Court renounced the exploitation of Kumaris and stated that the custom of Kumari “should be treated as an integral part of the religious and cultural rights of its followers.” The Court also invited the State to consider offering social security or monetary subsidies to ex-Kumaris whose fundamental rights, including the right to education, were deprived.

The practice of Kumari worship, while itself being a source of cultural pride and significance in Nepal, exerts notable impacts on the physical and mental development of these girls chosen as an embodiment of the goddess. Due to religious restrictions imposed on them during their reign, Kumaris often faced difficulties with fundamental physical abilities like walking and speaking. Furthermore, long-term social isolation can result in mental stress and potentially a higher risk of mental health issues.

In conclusion, though a revered practice, the Kumari worship has far-reaching impacts on young girls who serve as living goddess figures. By recognizing and addressing these challenges, the Nepalese society can better ensure a smooth transition for these girls from divine responsibilities to leading normal and fulfilling lives.

Works Cited

Allen, Michael. The Cult of Kumari: Virgin Worship in Nepal. Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, Dec. 1975.

Maharjan, Kriti. “Kumari - The Living Goddess Amidst the Mortals.” Altitude Himalaya, 09 Feb. 2022, https://www.altitudehimalaya.com/blog/kumari-goddess.

Manandhar, Shilu. “Nepalis Cite Need to Balance Education, Tradition for Girl Goddesses.” Global Press Journal, 21 Oct. 2012, globalpressjournal.com/asia/nepal/nepalis-cite-need-to-balance-education-tradition-for-girl-goddesses/.

Osborne, Zoe. “Growing Up as a Living Goddess.” ABC News, 18 Jan. 2019, www.abc.net.au/news/2019-01-19/-i-was-a-living-goddess-kumari-nepal/10717398.

Schmall, Emily. “Ex-Goddess Works to Reform 700-Year Tradition. Her M.B.A. Helps.” The New York Times, 15 July 2022, www.nytimes.com/2022/07/15/world/asia/nepal-kumari-living-goddess.html.

The Landmark Decisions of the Supreme Court, Nepal on Gender Justice. edited by Ananda Mohan Bhattarai, National Judicial Academy, 2010.

Thompson, Katherine N., et al. “Trajectories of Childhood Social Isolation in a Nationally Representative Cohort: Associations with Antecedents and Early Adulthood Outcomes.” JCPP Advances, vol. 2, no. 2, 11 May 2022, https://doi.org/10.1002/jcv2.12073.