Deng’s Early Rise to Power

The People’s Republic of China (PRC), now viewed in the western world as an autocratic economic powerhouse, owes a large part of its reputation today to Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997), otherwise known as the “Architect of Modern China.” Entering the world stage as a PRC leader in 1978, Deng’s rise to power signaled a new change for China’s economic state. Throughout his career, Deng more than doubled China’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in his tenure, quickly rising from $149.54 billion in 1979 to $347.77 billion by 1989.1 As a result, China experienced an explosion in economic growth, living standards, and connection to the world economy.

Yet while being lauded as both a liberator and a modernizer of the Chinese economy, Deng left behind a conflicting legacy in his wake, marked by both economic liberalization and authoritarian crackdowns. Furthermore, the ideological friction between him and Mao Zedong (1893-1976) even caused him to be attacked and arrested by Mao’s supporters during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1977); his later involvement in the 1989 Tiananmen Square student protests only solidified his controversial reputation.

This paper explores Deng’s revitalization of Chinese socialism through his pursuit of modernizing human rights, at the cost of party loyalty and his comrades.

Historical Background

Deng’s mixed economic policies and philosophy could be attributed to his tumultuous path from an aspiring communist in pre-civil war China to his eventual tenure as paramount leader (an informal title held by the most important PRC figure at the time). Joining the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 1924, the young politician with a knack for leadership quickly gained the trust of Mao Zedong and the other Communist Party members during the 1920s and 30s. During the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949) between the Kuomintang (KMT) and CPC, Deng’s contributions as chief commissar of the Second Field Army were instrumental in his gradual rise to paramount leader. Following the civil war, Deng held many positions of power, including party secretary and vice premier. In these positions, he earned a reputation for his focus on rapid economic growth  and delegation-centric governance style. Though he was arrested during the Cultural Revolution, Deng was later reinstated into leadership and remained a mainstay in party operations.2

His party’s trust in Deng, however, would not last. During the Chinese Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 70s that Mao spearheaded, Deng was labelled a “capitalist roader.” When the Cultural Revolution was deemed a failure, Henry Kissinger claimed that it was Mao himself who summoned Deng to Beijing and gave him an apology.3 Through this, Deng established a set of beliefs on rights and responsibilities that followed the general mindset of his predecessors but incorporated the radical novelty that transpired from his unique experiences. Deng believed that the citizen’s rights to prosperity and freedom must overtake the duties of the government. Instead of focusing on the strict responsibilities of a socialist republic fighting the inequalities and corruption associated with capitalism, Deng instead emphasized the socialist government’s right to uplifting citizens through economic growth.

Comparing Mao’s and Deng’s Legacies

Although both Mao and Deng aspired to the same liberated future for the Chinese people such as one of economic growth, worker representation, and prosperity, they differed vastly in their views on government responsibilities. Mao, the conductor of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, had a more dogmatic and assertive view of those responsibilities. In contrast, Deng adopted a more liberal and pragmatic approach, loosening the rigidity of his predecessor’s philosophy in pursuit of a broader vision. Deng’s departure from strict adherence to egalitarianism and the idealism associated with Mao led to significant growth, helping transform China into the modern global superpower that Deng had envisioned during his formative years studying in France.4

Additionally, Deng’s leadership before he became paramount foreshadowed the  key rights he would prioritize during his governance. He showcased his proclivity towards  administration and management when reforming the labor union and enterprise management  system.5 Through stressing the regularization of production, tasks, responsibilities within the  union system, Deng demonstrated his commitment to the right to collaboration and democracy  through the delegation of roles. While Deng lacked a clear and defined economic vision compared to those of Mao and Lenin, he showcased competency in placing the right people in the right positions. As the party’s general secretary, Deng paid special attention to assigning responsibilities to party members, promoting or demoting party personnel as neccessary.6 Through this, Deng introduced a style of democracy unknown to Western liberal democracies and the Chinese political scene. By distributing production and political responsibilities adeptly, Deng provided a form of representation and democracy that avoided the instability caused by frequent leadership elections in Western democracies.

Deng is notorious for his disavowal of egalitarianism, famously stating: “To uphold  socialism, a socialism that is to be superior to capitalism, it is imperative first and foremost to  eliminate poverty.”7 Deng was also a proponent of material incentives, compared to the more ideologically driven incentives Mao used to spur loyalty. This preference for delegation aligned with the overall theme of Deng’s rule; results were prioritized over strict adherence to theory. By loosening economic rights through deregulating, Deng allowed for the creation of an upper class, aiming to rapidly better the society as a whole. This approach spurred economic growth at the cost of inequality and corruption. This reflects Deng’s prioritization of the right to prosperity and economic freedom over the strict responsibility of egalitarianism and the right to equality.

Much like his predecessor Mao Zedong, Deng ruled pragmatically and with an  authoritarian style, hampering down strictly on what they perceived to be foreign threats to  communist rule. This is most evident in his handling of student rebellions. Deng’s policies  invoked an anti-government sentiment in Beijing’s universities, culminating in the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. Both Mao and Deng stressed loyalty to the party and the security of its control over governance as paramount. Deng, referring to the student protesters as “dregs to society,” used all measures necessary to quash protests and suppress rebellion.8 Prioritizing total control of the party and non-tolerance for dissent, Deng at first glance seemed to oppose the Western style of democracy, and the freedom and subsequent chaos that it entailed. From this perspective, it is true that both Deng and Mao believed the government had a responsibility to ensure its own survival, as both leaders suppressed dissenting opinions via authoritarianism to breed party loyalty.

However, their differences become apparent when evaluating economic policies. Mao  strictly prioritized adherence to egalitarianism and Marxism in his economic policies. Given the costs of the civil war, decades of political turmoil, and foreign invasion, Mao took a strict focus on building the foundations of China’s economy. He prioritized industrialization in a country with limited manufacturing experience. With a rigorous focus on empowering rural peasants, one of the Great Leap Forward’s main goals was to collectivize rural agriculture for the betterment of Chinese society.9 By defaulting on his initial goals of industrialization and creating a manufacturing infrastructure, Mao demonstrated his prioritization of building foundational  structures over immediate results.

On the other hand, Deng was much more liberal in his economic policies. With the foundations for industrialization laid by Mao’s tumultuous efforts, Deng shifted his focus to rapid growth. Deng believed that the central government should “delegate power to lower levels,” giving peasants “more power to make decisions.”10 In contrast, Mao impelled the government to strictly manage and control production, prohibiting private industry and emphasizing industrialization in urban areas alongside the collectivization of rural economies.11 Deng, however, valued individual power of citizens to contribute to society through their own economic efforts. Whereas the common right to food is most stressed in developing nations, Deng also believed in the responsibility of the individual farmer and citizen to provide for the country in the rural responsibility system.12 This would result in a significant increase in rural output, with Township and Village Enterprise production rising from 49 billion yuan in 1978 to 1.8 trillion yuan in 1992.13

Whereas Mao prioritized engendering morality and loyalty to the socialist cause, Deng  instead sought to improve society through material conditions. Though commonly framed as an  abandonment of socialist egalitarianism, Deng’s approach also fulfilled another key tenet of  Marxist theory that was not answered by his predecessors—dialectical materialism, which dictates that social change is brought through shifts in material conditions. Though Mao  attempted to inspire change through the introduction of socialist ideas, Deng inspired change by  delivering tangible socialist benefits. By compromising in the implementation of these benefits,  Deng made progress in the overall journey to the vision of Marx and Engels. Though Mao could take the responsibility of proving the effectiveness of socialism through convincing the general population of its merits, Deng instead chose to fulfill this responsibility to Marxism through the material changes that Marx states is the real changing force of history.

Additionally, Deng was more open to establishing global relations, with him visiting  Washington D.C. to meet with President Carter in 1979.14 Additionally, Deng made progress  towards improving Sino-Soviet relations, meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev in 1989.15 Despite  the ideological gaps between communist China and capitalist America, Deng recognized the necessity of having an alliance with the US. By establishing connections with both the United States and the Soviet Union during the détente of the Cold War, Deng exemplified his bilateral view of rights and responsibilities. He balanced the American ideal of market economies and economic autonomy with the Soviet ideal of one-party leadership and the political stability it brings. Additionally, his actions, by not fully committing to one side of the Cold War, is another extension of his belief on utilitarianism: maintaining good relations with both countries would provide the most benefit to the Chinese people in his opinion, and so it was his responsibility to put aside differences in opinion in order to stay in this state of strategic ambiguity.

These actions are indicative of Deng’s overall view on rights and responsibilities on a  personal scale. He transformed the central government from the sole controller of China’s economy—marked by rigid collectivization of production—into a stabilizing force that oversaw  growth driven by individual sectors. He firmly believed that ensuring the people’s right to a  modern and thriving economy required the government to relinquish certain responsibilities,  allowing for more freedom for each person, household, and government official. Though accused of being a “capitalist roader,” Deng provided many of the benefits of western liberal democracy and capitalism whilst maintaining socialism and the stability of one-party rule. By decentralizing economic planning and political decision-making, Deng afforded workers the right to democracy through workplace decision making and autonomy. Additionally, an increase in right to representation among party members is given through Deng’s relinquishing of the responsibility to control.

However, Deng’s emphasis on delegation and trust on individual autonomy also has  produced downsides that many Marxists today would criticize. Deng’s  economic reform led to rapid growth coupled with rising inequality and corruption,16 leaving his legacy somewhat ambivalent. This gives partial credence to Mao’s initial claim that Deng was a “capitalist roader.” Though recognized as a Marxist leader with socialist ideals in mind, his pursuit of economic progress and tangible results left traces of capitalist philosophy that, in the western countries Deng admired, had led to an undeniable dearth of equality and equity.

Often viewed as a departure from Marxist politics, Deng Xiaoping responded  pragmatically to China’s evolving needs through modernization and the delegation of rights and  responsibilities. By extending the rights of individuals, economic actors, and government  officials, Deng sought to balance democracy and representation with the responsibility to uphold the Communist Party’s continued rule and founding values. In doing so, Deng advanced China into the mainstay of global politics and economics that it is right now, though with hints of weaknesses that may have been avoided if he had strictly adhered  to a traditional view of rights and responsibilities instead.

Notes

1. World Bank, “GDP (current US$) - China,” 2023, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations=CN.

2. Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Deng Xiaoping,” Encyclopedia Britannica, 2025, www.britannica.com/biography/ Deng-Xiaoping.

3. Jean-Francois Huchet, “The Economic Legacy of Deng Xiaoping,” China Perspectives, no. 11 (1997), http://www.jstor.org/stable/24050445.

4. Whitney Stewart, Deng Xiaoping: Leader in a Changing China (Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books, 2001).

5. Gregory C. Chow, “6. China’s economic transformation,” in China’s 40 Years of Reform and  Development: 1978-2018, ed. Ross Garnaut, Ligang Song, and Cai Fang (Acton: ANU Press, 2018), https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv5cgbnk.14.

6. Barry Naughton, “Deng Xiaoping: The Economist.” The China Quarterly, no. 135 (1993), https://www.jstor.org/stable/654099.

7. Deng Xiaoping, “To Uphold Socialism We Must Eliminate Poverty,” 1987,

https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/deng-xiaoping/1987/133.htm.

8. Deng Xiaoping, “‘We faced a Rebellious Clique’ and ‘Dregs to Society,’” New York Times, June 10,  1989, www.proquest.com/hnpnewyorktimes/newspapers/deng-s- speech-transcript/ docview/110355490.

9. Wei Chunjuan, “From Mao to Deng to Xi: How Incentives Work for China,” International Journal on World Peace 36, no.2 (2019), https://research.ebsco.com/link processor/plink?id=658 f313a-d424-3a47-820d-777a1371e4cd.

10. Naughton, “Deng Xiaoping: The Economist.”

11. Clayton D. Brown, “China’s Great Leap Forward,” Education about Asia 17, no.3 (Winter 2012), https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/chinas-great- leap-forward/.

12. Naughton, “Deng Xiaoping: The Economist.”

13. Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China (Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press, 2011), https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=b57aca5c- 7b63-3e98-a410-80922492 8fbf.

14. Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line, “Deng’s Visit: New Era of Friendship,” Paul Saba, ed, The Call 8, no. 6 (1979), accessed February 9,  2025, https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-5/Cpml-deng-visit.htm.

15. Deng Xiaoping and Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev, “Meeting between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping (Excerpts)”, Wilson Center Digital Archive, 1989, https://digitalarchive.wilson center.org/document/meeting-between-mikhail-gorbachev- and-deng-xiaoping-excerpts.

16. Vogel, “Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China.”

Annotated Bibliography

Primary Sources

Deng, Xiaoping. “To Uphold Socialism We Must Eliminate Poverty.” The Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (blog). April 26, 1987. https://dengxiaopingworks.wordpress.com/?s=To+Uphold+Socialism+We+Must+Eliminate+Poverty&submit=.

Deng writes about the mistakes of dogmatic socialism and the importance of economic development in Marxism. He prioritizes uplifting a few, at the expense of growing inequality, in order to improve the material conditions of the many.

Deng, Xiaoping. “‘We Faced a Rebellious Clique’ and ‘Dregs of Society.’” New York Times, June 10, 1989. https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/dengs-june-9-speech- we-faced-rebellious-clique/docview/427228439/se-2.

Deng responds to the Tiananmen Square Tragedy protestors in a broadcasted public  speech. In this, he labels the protestors as rebellious agitators dedicated to bringing down Chinese socialism. It testifies to his unwillingness to liberalize socially and how he has allowed for cultivation of a rebellious school of thought under his society.

Deng, Xiaoping, and Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. “Meeting Between Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping (Excerpts).” Wilson Center Digital Archive. 1989.

https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/meeting-between-mikhail-gorbachev-and-deng-xiaoping-excerpts.

This recorded conversation between Deng and Gorbachev reveals Deng’s inclination towards revisionist policies and his views on the importance of the works of Marx and Lenin in his leadership. Deng established the importance of good having geopolitical  relations for his vision of China.

Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line. “Deng’s Visit: New Era of Friendship.” Paul Saba, ed. The Call 8, no. 6 (1979). Accessed February 9,  2025. https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-5/Cpml-deng-visit.htm.

This journal details the events of Deng’s visit to the United States and his interactions  with US President Jimmy Carter. I used it to detail Deng’s attempt to forge a Sino US alliance and use his geopolitical stance as a symbol of his total philosophy.

Faison, Seth. “Deng Xiaoping is Dead at 92; Architect of Modern China.” New York Times, February 20, 1997.

The newspaper article speaks about the influence and legacy of Deng, as well  as reactions to the news of his death on the streets of Beijing. I used this source because it details the more nonchalant attitude of its citizens, hinting at the less reverential image  that Deng created for himself.

Wudunn, Sheryl. “Beijing University Students Mark the 1989 Crackdown: If You Don't Like  Deng Xiaoping, Show it by Breaking Bottles.” New York Times, Jun 04, 1991. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/beijing-university-students-mark-1989-crackdown/docview/108738116/se-2.

This showcases the authoritarian style that Deng ruled with, showcasing the  continued student protests following the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. This source  showcases the ambivalent nature of Deng’s social policies among young people,  especially those in secondary education and the children of the elites of Chinese society.

Secondary Sources

Beja, Jean Philippe. “A Pragmatic and Authoritarian Moderniser.” Chinese Perspectives, no. 10 (1997): 16–24. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24050594.

This journal speaks about Deng’s views in contrast with Mao and pessimism  through the policies that he created. It showcased how Deng was firmly rooted in the reality of the material conditions that China was under, and how his philosophies were a  response to the troubles that he saw in the country.

Benton, Gregor. “Assessing Deng Xiaoping.” Jacobin, 2019. https://jacobin.com/2019/01/deng xiaoping-china-mao-communist-party.

This article detailed Deng’s formative years and how they influenced his philosophy and  governance style. This article helped me create a general storyline of Deng’s thoughts on  rights and responsibilities.

Biographics. “Deng Xiaoping: Making China Great Again.” YouTube, December 31, 2021. Video, 27:58. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=deng-xiaoping.

This video covers the process of Deng’s rise to prominence, from his early days as a student of communism to his tenure and legacy as Chairman. This video provided me with a general understanding of Deng’s life and the overarching themes of his journey.

Brown, Clayton D. “China's Great Leap Forward.” Education About Asia 17, no.3 (Winter 2012). https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/chinas-great-leap- forward/.

This journal provides a summary of Mao’s policy, including the collectivization and the  anti-Rightist campaign. I used this information to describe Mao’s strict rule and his belief that the government should control all aspects of society.

Chang, Maria Hsia. “The Thought of Deng Xiaoping.” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29, no. 4 (1996): 453–472. https://www.jstor.org/stable/45301989.

This journal explains Deng’s view on the purpose and optimal implementation of law in communist China. I used aspects of this journal to develop my analysis on Deng’s idea of delegation, as well as a general understanding of Deng’s philosophy.

Chow, Gregory C. “China’s Economic Transformation.” In China’s 40 Years of Reform and  Development: 1978–2018, edited by Ross Garnaut, Ligang Song, and Cai Fang, 103–122. Acton: ANU Press, 2018. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv5cgbnk.14.

Chow notes the main changes that Deng implemented to the Chinese economy. The  implementation of more autonomy given to workers and the gradual introduction of  private enterprises was used to describe how Deng’s view on the responsibilities of the government in regardance to the economy showed through his policies.

Dillon, Michael. Deng Xiaoping: The Man Who Made Modern China. London: I. B. Tauris, 2014. https://books.google.com/books?id=qBGMDwAAQBAJ.

The book detailed the education of Deng, including his time spent at universities in  France and Russia. With a focus on his connections with other Communist and  Nationalists during these times, the book helped me understand the role that Deng’s  upbringing played in his beliefs.

Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. “Deng Xiaoping.” Encyclopedia Britannica. 2025. www.britannica.com/biography/Deng-Xiaoping.

The web page provides a description of Deng’s life. I used general information such as Deng’s experiences in the Cultural Revolution and the roles that Deng had during his time at the Chinese Communist Party.

Huchet, Jean-François. “The Economic Legacy of Deng Xiaoping.” China Perspectives, no. 11 (1997): 6–16. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24050445.

Huchet writes about the specific economic conditions that Deng was tasked with improving, and the effects that his policies created. Written ten years after his governance period, the  journal is able to comment on the legacy of Deng and his place in Chinese history.

Lo, Carlos W. H. “Deng Xiaoping’s Ideas on Law: China on the Threshold of a Legal Order.” Asian Survey 32, no. 7 (1992): 649–65. https://doi.org/10.2307/2644947.

This journal describes the view of Deng on the government’s relationship with the law. It  emphasized Deng’s value of upholding a consistent and powerful law system. This was  used to develop Deng’s view on delegation as a method of distributing responsibilities.

Naughton, Barry. “Deng Xiaoping: The Economist.” The China Quarterly, no. 135 (1993): 491–514. https://www.jstor.org/stable/654099.

In this journal, Naughton writes about the specific economic policies that Deng  implemented before his period as paramount leader. Key ideas such as delegation and regularization of the manufacturing process point towards key ideas of government responsibilities in economics.

Pantsov, Alexander V., and Steven I. Levine. Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life. New York:  Oxford University Press, 2015. https://books.google.com/books?id=deng-xiaoping-life.

A biography of Deng’s life, this book includes details of the key driving factors of  Deng’s education, including the dissatisfaction he had with China’s condition and status  as a world power. This was used to understand the key points that Deng fought for during his time in government.

Pye, Lucian W. “An Introductory Profile: Deng Xiaoping and China's Political Culture.” The China Quarterly, no. 135 (1993): 412–443. https://www.jstor.org/stable/654096.

This journal writes about Deng’s embodiment of the traditional Chinese ruler, who  governs behind a curtain and away from the public eye. Seen as a no-nonsense, stable leader, Deng was the antithesis of the chaotic Cultural Revolution and the Great Leap Forward. I used this information to create a contrast between Mao and Deng’s rule.

Stewart, Whitney. Deng Xiaoping: Leader in a Changing China. Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books, 2001.

This book writes about the life of Deng, with a section focusing on Deng's dissatisfaction with the lack of modernity in China. This was used as a basis for the goals that Deng embodied surrounding rights and responsibilities during his time in government.

“Visit of Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping of the People’s Republic of China Remarks at the  Welcoming Ceremony. January 29, 1979.” 2001. American Reference Library - Primary  Source Documents, January, 1.

https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=0344b4fc-923b-3734-9624-cd69b3798ce3.

This is a record of Deng’s visit to the United States and his encounters with President  Carter. Reaching across both sides of the Cold War during the Denouement, Deng was able to establish global connections. While these countries have clashed with China ideologically, Deng believed that the benefits of establishing relationships outweigh the differences.

Vogel, Ezra F. Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap  Press, 2011. https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=b57aca5c-7b63-3e98 -a410-809224928fbf.

This book lists the positive and negative portions of the legacy that Deng left behind. I  analyzed the parts of rights and responsibilities that Deng believed were less important to his overall goals through the shortcomings of his governance, such as corruption and  inequality.

Wei, Chunjuan Nancy. 2019. “From Mao to Deng to Xi: How Incentives Work for China.” International Journal on World Peace 36, no.2: 31–57.

https://research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=658f313a-d424-3a47-820d777a1371e4cd.

This journal analyzes the use of incentives for the three Chinese leaders, writing about  Mao’s use of ideological incentives and Deng’s use of numerical incentives. This was  used as a basis for the larger claim of Mao’s ideological view and Deng’s material views on rights and responsibilities.

World Bank. “GDP (current US$) - China” 2023.

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations=CN

This is a graph about the GDP of China from 1960 to 2023. This information was used in the introduction to comment on the economic growth created by Deng Xiaoping.

Yergin, Daniel, and Joseph Stanislaw. “From Commanding Heights.” PBS, 1998. www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitextlo/prof_dengxiaoping.html.

This book details the formative years for Deng Xiaoping, including his time spent  studying in France and the Soviet Union. It focused specifically on his ideological  influences, with formal education based on practicality and rationality and being  surrounded by Chinese Nationalists and Communists who were also focused on the  modernization and renewal of China.